The Mafia and Toronto; an update

(Image of ‘Ndrangheta’s International Structure; original source unknown)

January 12, 2016

The chipped green pool ball emitted a loud smack as the force of its neighbour careened heavily into its side. The green solid shot across the soft velvet surface striking the side of the table wall right at the point where it transitioned into the forgiving nexus of a corner pocket. The ball quickly struck the side, rebounded across the opening of the hole and hit the other point on the table wall where the imaginary post, standing guard with its adjoining twin over one of the six entrances to victory, would have stood. Having missed its target, the ball itself seemed to sense as if its purpose had diminished in light of the failed shot and slowed from a quick pace, to a lazy canter, and finally, to a sluggish mournful stop mid table.

“See!” One of the players yelled excitedly, letting the superstition of competition emphasize his argument. “Crime buffs always want a more sinister monster; are always looking for a bigger, badder organization that they can point to and say ‘look, I’ve got something relevant to offer on the condition of society’s woes’. But, like that shitty shot attempt, there’s just no way.” He moved around his competition and bent smoothly over to take the next shot, which he would miss as well sending the stripe smashing into a congregation of balls farther down the table like an asteroid, resulting in a explosion of colour and two solids dropping into pockets inadvertently at the opposite end of the asteroid impact. “I mean, there are mafia groups here, but Toronto doesn’t have a mafia family or families like New York City or Palermo, or something like that… We would know.” He grinned up at his buddy; convinced and happy his point was made and yet looking somewhat sheepish for having rested his argument on the laurels of a shot that ended up sinking his opponent’s pool balls rather than his own.

“I suppose you’re right,” his opponent opined; “there are groups related to clans in Montreal and Hamilton, but nothing endemic or intrinsic to our City.”

The pool game would muddle onward for sometime, no winner declared and combatants often doing more harm to their own chances than their opponent’s. Like the momentum of the pool game, the public in Canada and the greater Toronto area (or GTA to locals) have remained slow to realize the scope and breadth of traditional organized crime groups in regions surrounding and including Canada’s largest and wealthiest city. While the pool players would go on to write for PanAmerican Crime and see the error of their ways, front line police officers in Toronto and those working in police intelligence all point to a very real shortage of available resources for combating and curtailing the efforts of these organized criminal groups. As with so many examples of an unwillingness to recognize the changing environment, in the darkness of ignorance the threat morphs and grows.

In this article we will attempt to rectify this lack of understanding by exploring the composition of the GTA’s traditional organized crime or mafia groups. In doing so we will highlight the brutal, clandestine and pervasive nature of this issue as well as attempt to answer who the groups are, what structures and traditions they follow, where they came from and just what the heck they are doing in the cities and small towns of southern Ontario?


The ‘Ndrangheta

While many Torontonians and residents of the GTA remain unfamiliar with the threats posed by traditional organized crime groups in the region, they are aware of the tremendous influence of Italian culture in the community of Woodbridge, which lies just to the northwest of Toronto as part of the regional municipality/City of Vaughan. This beautiful community of large homes, box stores and cafés abuts the large manufacturing and warehouse districts that are likewise found in the northwest districts of Toronto and its surrounding communities. These industrial areas are also home to many small social and sporting clubs that seemingly pay rent to be in these locations but offer no services and sell no products to the legitimate buyer – what New York City comedy icon Dave Chappelle calls in Half Baked, his seminal film, a “B-o-d-e-g-a”. Close to union halls and trucking routes, and located in areas where police cruisers and surveillance are often more easily detected due to the scant vegetation and austere aesthetics of these industrial areas these members-only clubs and cafés – whose owners also often have controlling influence or interests in the surrounding businesses – are hallmarks and symptoms of the growing influence of criminal groups often referred to as the “mafia” or “traditional organized crime.”

However, the issue of Italian criminal groups gaining influence and doing business in the region stretches far back beyond the erection of the suburban developments of Vaughan and Woodbridge. They lie in the old Italian and Sicilian neighbourhoods that spanned the city of Toronto as far back as the 1930s and before. But, unlike the Sicilian mafia group that developed in Montreal after the withdrawal of the Bonanno Crime Family in the 1960s-1970s or their American mafia cousins, Toronto mafiosi (past and present) subscribe to an entirely different model of Italian organized crime, one based, not on the Sicilian Cosa Nostra cosche or borgata (family) structure, but on the Locali and ‘Ndrina (pl. ‘Ndrine) model developed in the hills of Calabria.

Located on the toe of Italy, this impoverished province in the Mezzogiorno straddles the Aspromonte mountains that separate the Tyrrhenian and Ionian Seas providing a genesis chamber for this burgeoning criminal identity. On the northern Ionian side the fertile Gioia Tauro plain begins in the sea and stretches up to the nearby mountains; yet, despite the bucolic setting all life centres to some degree around the port of Gioia Tauro, which is now said to carry more commercial freight traffic than any other port in Italy. At the south-western tip of the mountains and the toe of Italy lies the city of Reggio Calabria, economic and political capital of the Region of Reggio Calabria even if the provincial political capital lies at Catanzo; (the intricacies of Italy’s federal system can sometimes confuse even Italians). Lying across from Sicily on the straight of Messina, Reggio Calabria is the main focal point for all forms of licit and illicit business in the region. Heading southeast into the mountains from the city the rugged beauty endures as Greek temples from ancient Magna Gracia poke up from the dry soil beside small religious shrines and hedgerows. This third and final district of the province lies on the southern coast against the Ionian sea, with the Aspromonte range rearing up to the northwest, as if guarding against some long looked for and greatly feared assault from the sea. It is here in the tiny town of Siderno, nestled in against the mountains and the ancient seas that brought Greek, Phoenician and Arab traders into the orbit of the western European world for centuries, that orders pass from mouth to mouth, eventually making their way across the Atlantic to the piccioti de d’onore – lowest level of criminal within the organization – and ‘Ndrine leadership in the GTA. These proverbial soldiers and their leaders serve in what is now understood to be a strict hierarchical organization known across the World as the ‘Ndrangheta, and it is this organization and its model that have come to define traditional organized crime in the GTA.

While the history of these groups in Calabria and abroad is not the focus of this article, it should be understood that large-scale conflict within the ‘Ndrangheta in the form of the first and second ‘Ndrangheta wars (1974-1976; and, 1985-1991 respectively) led to the establishment of an ‘Ndrangheta commission known as the Crimine Provincia or La Provincia; responsible for setting policy and establishing the overall operational paradigm, this institution was modeled in essence after the Sicilian Copula and American Mafia Commission. The Crimine Provincia elects a Capo di Crimini, which is the supreme boss elected by consensus from among the most prominent and powerful ‘Ndrine bosses and their clans. The Capo di Crimini is also surrounded by an institutionalized support system, which consists of top members from other clans that make up established leadership positions. These roles include the mastro di giornata who passes along the Capo’s orders – literally the ‘master of the day,’ who acts as the boss’ chief messenger and can fulfill the position of street boss – and other top lieutenants. These other positions include the mastro generale (literally the ‘general master’ or underboss); the capo società (literally ‘head of the society’, or underboss and possibly chief manager of the internal Santa groups within each clan); and, the contabile (accountant). Largely thought to be a figure-heard, it is unclear how much power the supreme Capo di Crimini position truly holds over the bosses of the various ‘Ndrine. However, what is clear is that the organization continues to have an effect on its membership and organizational structure, both abroad and in Calabria. For instance, the establishment of the Crimini Provincia also led to the formation of the mandamenti system, which subdivided Calabria’s criminal clans into three geographic groups – the Gioia Tauro plain; Reggio Calabria; and Ionian coast and Mountains. Siderno, as discussed briefly earlier, lies on the Ionian coast and is beholden to the leadership of Ionian mandamenti, which is then beholden to Crimine Provincia.

While the leadership institution of the Crimine Provincia was once thought to be more of a loose organizing structure than a strict policy forming entity it is interesting to note that the 86-odd clans from across the region and the other 40 or so Italian clans outside of Reggion Calabria that also adhere to the ‘Ndrangheta code gather annually at the Sanctuary of Polsi in the small town of San Luca to account for their actions. This meeting is mandatory and, while providing an excellent opportunity for Italian law enforcement to photograph and chart the different attending clans in recent years, it speaks to the central and unifying code of conduct that is expected and enforced by the organization and the clans that compose it. The meeting also speaks to the institutionalized, hierarchical influence of the Crimine Provincia.

On a local level, the ‘Ndrangheta clans are comprised of ‘Ndrine which each control a specific geographic region, referred to as a Locali. Comparably, ‘Ndrine can be thought of as individual mafia families as defined under the Sicilian mafia modus operandi. However, while individual ‘Ndrina are considered to have supreme control over their own territory and can operate independently as they see fit, new evidence has arisen to support the notion that these groups are much more hierarchical and interactive than previously believed. Indeed, when examining a typical ‘Ndrina’s organizational chart it does not appear horizontal as much as it appears to be a strictly enforced hierarchy of interests, institutionalized in patterns of behaviour and organizational layout. (See this link for a basic view of the leadership structure:

At the lowest levels of the ‘Ndrina’s structure lie the giovane d’onore (boy of honour) and the piccioti de d’onore, who are junior soldiers in the organization. Following this position is the Camorrista (literally “someone who extorts”) and then the Sgarrista (“soldier”). The Sgarrista is fully initiated into the ‘Ndrine and has the ability to lead his own crew or group of Piccioti. The Sgarrista is also the top echelon of the lower rungs of the organization, referred to as Società Minore (lower society). The next echelon is known as the Società Maggiore (upper society) and is dually called the Società Santa (holy society). At this level the initiate is inducted through a second ceremony that is completed while holding and swearing allegiance over a Roman Catholic bible. The ‘Ndrangheta has fully embraced religious iconography and all initiates of any ‘Ndrine are expected to follow rigid codes of conduct and behaviour, which are enforced through sanctions, expulsions and death, further supporting the idea of a firm, hierarchical model over a horizontal network.

Once initiated into the Santa the member can climb through the various posts of the organization, all with clearly defined rules and responsibilities. These labels include quartino (one quarter), padrino (godfather), crociata (crusade), stella (star), bartolo (origin’s unknown), Mammasantissima (most Holy Mother), and infinito (infinity). The final Santa rank is a reference to the figure of the “Conte Agadino,” which is likely a reference to Danté’s Count Ugolino who is depicted as eating his own children in the Inferno. The Santa operates as a form of internal organization within the ‘Ndrina structure and not all who reach the level of Sgarrista are inducted into this second structure. Initiates are also given mandatory tattoos to signify their role and place in the organization.

At the top of the ‘Ndrina is the capo locale (boss) and his leadership circle. Like the better known cosa nostra format, the positions are institutionalized and exist beyond an individual or clan. All ‘Ndrine are required to have members fill these specific roles, an injunction so specific and important to the institution of the ‘Ndrangheta that each individual ‘Ndrina must maintain 49 active and inducted members fulfilling the various specific positions and roles or it is not considered active by other neighbouring clans. Surrounding the capo locale is the same leadership structure as the exists for the Capo di Crimini of La Provincia, inclduing the capo società, the mastro di giornata, and contabile. As can be seen at all levels of the organization, the strict institutionalized nature of the network is mirrored throughout all of its internal aspects, from the Crimine Provincia, through the ‘Ndrine structure and on into the internal machinations of the Santa.


Siderno in Toronto

The ‘Ndrangheta long existed as one of Italy’s forgotten criminal problems but are quickly rising to the prominence they deserve. Unlike the Neapolitan Camorra and the more well-known Sicilian Cosa Nostra, the ‘Ndrangheta appear to have emerged from obscurity during the end of the 1990s as clan feuds- such as the murders in Duisberg Germany – gained international attention and international law enforcement began to recognize the ‘Ndrangheta as the wealthiest and most powerful dealers in Cocaine throughout the World. Their position beside and control of one of the busiest port facilities in Europe facilitated the development of international connections with other prominent criminal groups while simultaneously providing access to immeasurable wealth that has allowed the organization to expand and flourish. Moving beyond Calabria, these expansionist tendencies have undoubtedly facilitated the increase in the power and wealth of the clans in the GTA as well. However, it would be a mistake to consider the ‘Ndrangheta a recent iteration of traditional organized crime, in Italy or Canada.

It is now assumed that there are nine functioning and relatively autonomous ‘Ndrine in southern Ontario, seven of which are in the GTA. With each fully staffed to at least 49 inducted members, as decreed by the Crimine Provincia, this leaves at least 450 initiated ‘Ndrangheta mobsters in Ontario with 350 of them calling the Toronto region home. One of the Ontario groups is thought to make its home in the isolated community of Thunder Bay, which lies on the northern reaches of Lake Superior, a cool 17-hour drive northwest from Toronto. Often referred to as a “penal colony” because of its position as a hideout for mobsters on the run from Italy for the charge of “mafia association” (a crime which Canada doesn’t recognize), the city has served as the base of operations for several major ‘Ndrangheta members, including the infamous Giuseppe Bruzzese. Another Ontario clan can be found in the city of London, which is located equidistant between Toronto and Detroit, Michigan. The London ‘Ndrina has history dating at least to 1980s when the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) staged Operation Oaf, managing to get one of its undercover operatives inducted as a member of the ‘Ndrina – often underreported, this achievement may be the first of its kind in law enforcement history in the World. The clan was led by Giovanni and Saverio Zangari, who were subsequently found guilty.

In the GTA this confirmed history stretches back far earlier. In the old Italian community found on St. Clair West in Toronto the clan of Mike “the Baker” Racco operated what is now considered to be an ‘Ndrina organization and had known connections to Italian gangsters based in Calabria. These connections came into play during the 1980s when he died of natural causes leaving his son and stated heir, Domenic Racco – a known drug addict and confirmed wild man – as clan chief in west Toronto. Domenic had, at one point, shot a Toronto member of the Commisso clan in the leg and also owed the Musitano clan from Hamilton, Ontario at least $500,000 for unpaid drug debts. (Hamilton has its own indigenous mafia groups that are often considered to be based on the ‘Ndrangheta structure; however, these groups are not considered to be ‘Ndrine in the traditional sense of the word. Further study of these groups is required for their position to be definitively answered). The Commissos were and continue to be a powerful clan within the Siderno group of ‘Ndrine and, in fact, continue to operate a clan in Toronto to this day.  Consequently, with his interior and exterior support evaporating fast, in 1983 Domenic Racco was the victim of three fatal gunshot wounds. His body was discovered in a gritty rail yard in the west end of the city.

Clearly, the ‘Ndrangheta and ‘Ndrina structure are not new arrivals to the Canadian or Toronto criminal landscape, however, what has changed is their growing influence in the City and larger region as a whole. As profits from international drug trafficking networks continue to swell the operational capacity of the ‘Ndrangheta groups their ability to support their so-called branch plants throughout the World has increased as well. Southern Ontario is also one of the most lucrative locations for drug trafficking in the Western Hemisphere, which has further swelled the power and importance of the Ontario ‘Ndrine. One of the first signs of this expansion of influence in Toronto was the murder of Gaetano “Guy” Panepinto in 1998. Panepinto was the point man for Montreal Sicilian mafia don Vito Rizzuto  in Toronto and ran a crew for the Montreal family in the City. Rizzuto was looking to further expand into Toronto at the time, which was believed to be largely wide open for any criminal group looking for new opportunities. Panepinto soon came into contact and conflict with local GTA ‘Ndrine over the operation of illegal slot and video-gaming machines in bars throughout the region. Two recently-arrived Calabrian mobsters, Domenic “Mico” Napoli and Antonio Oppedisano, soon disappeared and are assumed murdered on Panepinto’s orders. In response, the local ‘Ndrine sought and received approval from Vito Rizzuto and the Sicilians in Montreal for his murder in retaliation. Well-known and now-deceased Toronto ‘Ndrangheta hitman Salvatore “Young Gun Sam” Calautti is believed to have committed the murder after also being a the victim of a murder attempt while driving in north end of Toronto. Several other murders have been attributed to the Montreal expansion into the GTA in the 1990s, although none have been officially solved.

As stated earlier, at this point in time there are believed to be seven autonomous ‘Ndrine operating in the GTA. Within the Calabrian landscape the locale of each ‘Ndrine is strictly defined geographically; yet, as occurred with the Sicilian geographic modus operandi in New York City after the Castellamarese War (c. 1930-1931) the societal fluidity of the North American urban environment likely precludes such strictly geographic arrangements from forming in Toronto. Therefore, while areas of influence do undoubtedly exist for each GTA ‘Ndrine there is evidence to suggest that ‘Ndrangheta mobsters may conduct certain illicit activities outside of their set geographic boundary. Evidence exists to suggest the existence or operations of ‘Ndrine in the following locations and regions:

– College Street (Little Italy), downtown Toronto

– St. Claire Avenue West (old Little Italy), west Toronto

– North York, northern borough of Toronto

– Danforth Avenue, east Toronto

– Town of Woodbridge, northwest of Toronto

– City of Brampton, northwest of Toronto

– City of Richmond Hill, north of Toronto

– City of Mississauga/Region of Peel, west of Toronto

– City of Markham, northeast of Toronto

In certain cases it appears as if each ‘Ndrina maintains its own distribution and extortion networks, and that the scope of these operations are determined by geography, as the system operates in Italy. However, as operation OPhoenix revealed in 2015, there does appear to be significant movement in terms of the geographic areas of drug trafficking and distribution operated by each ‘Ndrina. As seen in the American Cosa Nostra, groups and individuals are often free to work with other groups as long as they maintain their loyalty and subservience to their ‘Ndrina and contribute a pre-determined percentage of their earnings to their ‘Ndina’s leadership. Consequently, it is not likely that a specific ‘Ndrina has the market cornered on criminal activity centred around the old Italian community on eastern Danforth Avenue in east Toronto. Here Italian social clubs with young men wearing jogging pants congregating out front taking bets can still be found in that old Sicilian neighbourhood where Catholic mass is offered in Italian and it is likely that the illegal betting parlours are not beholden to a specific ‘Ndrine, although this certainly could be the case. When analyzing the GTA ‘Ndrine network through this lens of mutually-supported and profitable interaction rather than intense geographic competition this system becomes much harder to quantify and much more difficult to dismantle.

Despite the efforts by the local Toronto ‘Ndrine to stay below the radar of the police and general public, several things are known about the current structure in Toronto. At the top the seven clans, as well as those in Thunder Bay and London (ON), comprise a specific controlling board, known in Italian as the Camera di Controllo. Modeled after the Crimine Provincia, the Camera di Controllo acts as a dispute resolution mechanism, a policy development tool and as a method to communicate with senior leadership on the Ionian mandamenti and the Crimine Provincia back in San Luca, Italy. According to current available data, five of these seven Toronto clans are: the Commisso, Aquino-Coluccio, Figliomeni, Ruso, and Crupi clans. The names and titles of the other two ‘Ndrine currently remain unknown to the public. Controlling some of these clans are the following leaders: Cosimo and Angelo Figliomeni, (50 and 52, of Vaughan); Antonio, Giuseppe and Salvatore Coluccio, (now deported and formerly of Richmond Hill); Domenico Ruso, (70, of Brampton); Rocco Remo Commisso; and, Vincenzo “Jimmy” De Maria, a notorious Toronto gangster and convicted murderer who is rumoured to lead his own clan although this remains uncertain at this time.


Current State of Affairs

The establishment and ongoing operation of the Camera di Controllo reveals a substantial amount of information about this institution and its network of groups. Firstly, it emphasizes the hierarchical nature of the ‘Ndrangheta organization, which can be more accurately looked upon as a criminal subculture as much as a distinct and individual association. Secondly, it also makes clear that Toronto is not immune to the systems of graft, corruption and collusion perpetrated by mafia groups the World over. The city of Montreal and the recent findings of the Quebec Charbonneau Inquiry speak to the insidious and ever-pervading nature of that influence. While there is no immediate evidence to suggest the involvement of high-level Toronto politicians and civil servants to the level of institutionalized corruption found in Italy, Quebec or New York City during its mob heyday, the regularity of certain crimes demonstrates the existence of powerful networks of criminals with tentacles stretching deep into construction trade and organized labour movement. One such example is the ongoing theft of bull dozers from GTA construction sites. Not only are these machines difficult to steal by virtue of their size but where could you transport or store the vehicle while waiting for a suitable buyer? With as many as one a month going missing, it leads one to further ask how are such large and obvious machines being transported down highways and onto shipping docks or rail cars without someone seeing? What these ongoing thefts indicate is the existence of a set network of thieves, transporters and (likely) international buyers, all of whom are corrupt and protected by officials that are charged with overseeing customs and transport hubs as well as maintaining industry standards. The only organization with the influence in the industry and the connections to effect this scheme are Toronto’s powerful ‘Ndrine.

Unfortunately for these groups, as the old hip hop maxim makes clear, with more money comes more problems. The failure of Calabrian crews in Montreal to successfully overthrow the Rizzutos and their Sicilian backers in the 2009-2013 Montreal mob conflict has likely caused rifts in the ‘Ndrangheta groups here in Toronto. While it has never been confirmed that the Camera di Controllo officially backed the rebellion of Joe di Maulo and his adherents, it has often been assumed that by virtue of past competition with the Montreal mafia and their shared Calabrian lineage that at least certain Toronto ‘Ndrine either tacitly or unofficially backed the rebelling Calabrian faction in Montreal. The late night murder of Salvatore “Young Gun Sam” Calautti and his bodyguard, James Tusek, on July 12, 2013 at a banquet hall in Vaughan is still believed to be a retaliatory hit for the murder of Nicolo Rizzuto, Vito’s father, who was killed by a sniper in his home in front of his family in November, 2010. The murder of Carmine Verduci on April 14, 2014 was also supposedly a part of this retaliation effort by the Montreal Sicilians. However, it is now believed that the murder of Verduci was based on an internal struggle between local Toronto ‘Ndrine. This tension between the clans was highlighted in a recent ‘Ndrangheta trial in Italy, part of Operation Acero-Krupy (“acero” is maple in Italian – a veiled reference to the group’s Canadian connection). In tape recordings now made public at trial Vincenzo Macri and Vincenzo Crupi discuss the rising problems in the GTA and the possibility of the issue coming to blows. The two main combatants are believed to be the Coluccio and Figliomeni ‘Ndrine, both of which have had members serve as the top boss on the Camera di Controllo within the last two decades.

In fact, the issue may already have degenerated into armed conflict. Verduci’s murder, now believed to be related to him being discovered by Italian police to be the official messenger between the Camera di Controllo in Toronto and the Crimini Provincia in Calabria, was just the first that can be attributed to the mounting tension. On June 24, 2015 a gunman named Jason Hay, a man with a documented violent criminal past, walked into the Moka Espresso Bar in Woodbridge and opened fire on four people, two of whom were killed. Police believe that Hay, in a move that is a hallmark of Toronto’s ‘Ndrine, was hired by opposing Toronto ‘Ndrine. The actual target of the Moka shooting has not yet been identified by police but police assume it is related to a Calabrian power struggle in Toronto. As was the case with Hay, it is believed that a Toronto ‘Ndrine may also have been responsible for the murder of John Riposo on College Street in Toronto in June, 2012, and that his murderer was Dean Wiwchar. Police sources believe that Wiwchar’s identity as the killer was subsequently leaked by Toronto ‘Ndrangheta members to law enforcement as he was known to attack his employers in order to avoid any future legal repercussions if they were to eventually become cooperating witnesses. These killings point to tensions between the Toronto ‘Ndrine and a capacity for violence in order to resolve the underlying issues.

The death of Verduci and the later shooting at the Moka Espresso Bar indicate that the stability of the Camera di Controllo may not be what it once was, perhaps a consequence of its success or failure, or both. What is clear is that Toronto, despite claims made over billiards by long-time residents of the City, has always suffered from the influence of traditional organized crime. Rather than an open city or way-station, it is its own epicentre with an established leadership group, dozens of networks and a long history of operating within the communities where they have thrived. The Calabrian ‘Ndrine that make up the Camera di Controllo are well entrenched, highly-organized and have access to immense funds to further their acts of extortion, drug trafficking and corruption. With over 350 confirmed members, the seven Toronto ‘Ndrine will be with the City for many years to come.


Scott Paulseth



CTV News, August 14, 2015,

National Post, October 27, 2015,

National Post, August 10, 2015,

Vice, October 9, 2012,

Vice, November 13, 2014,

Toronto Star, April 25, 2014,

Toronto Star, November 20, 2014,

Toronto Star, June 28, 2013,

Toronto Star, June 28, 2013,

‘Ndrangheta leadership structure,

BBC News, August 16, 2007,

Globe and Mail, July 12, 2013,

About the Mafia, June 3, 2015,

National Post, September 29, 2015,

Toronto Star, June 3, 2015,

About the Mafia,

CBC News, June 3, 2015,

Toronto Star, June 22, 2012,


Further Reading:

Peter Edwards and Michel Auger, The Encyclopaedia of Canadian Organized Crime: From Captain Kidd to Mom Boucher. July 31, 2012.


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